Te Tiriti as a diplomatic relationship

Looking at Te Tiriti through a political science lens offers us something valuable beyond the usual historical and legal interpretations.

Let me be direct about what this means for our public management system.

Te Tiriti isn’t just a historical document or legal framework – it’s a living diplomatic relationship between two sovereign nations. This isn’t just academic theory; it has practical implications for how we operate our public institutions today.

Think about it this way: kāwanatanga and rangatiratanga function like two autonomous but interconnected diplomatic missions. They constantly engage, negotiate, and represent their interests across what I call our ‘system of stages’—from the marae atea to parliamentary chambers, from corporate boardrooms to policy corridors. Each space has its protocols, power dynamics, and purposes.

Many officials miss something crucial: the tension between kāwanatanga and rangatiratanga isn’t a problem to be solved—it’s a feature, not a bug. In fact, as a political scientist working in the agonistic tradition, I’d argue that this tension is essential for healthy nation-building. If we’re not experiencing any tension, that’s when we should worry.

Let me be clear about what a unified nation means in this context. It doesn’t mean we’re all the same – far from it. It means two distinct nations coexisting, sharing common ground while maintaining autonomy. Think of it as standing united on security while preserving our distinct identities.

I’ve observed a particular resistance to this idea, typically from those who struggle with complexity and plurality. They can’t grasp how someone can be proudly Ngāti Porou, proudly Māori, and from both Aotearoa and New Zealand simultaneously. While I understand their discomfort with a changing world, their solution—trying to diminish others’ identities and capabilities—sets our nation-building project back significantly.

The implications for public management are profound. Te Tiriti isn’t just a historical artifact – it’s our current operating manual for building a prosperous, united nation while ensuring tribal autonomy. For Māori, it remains a sacred covenant. For the Crown, it’s their authorisation to govern. Anyone suggesting otherwise isn’t just expressing an opinion – they’re creating legal and financial risks for all of us.

Through this political science lens, Te Tiriti emerges as something remarkably modern: a diplomatic agreement between two sovereign nations who chose to build something new together at the top of the world. The evolution of our public management system needs to reflect this reality while recognising that Māori retain the right to organise their institutions in whatever way best serves their context and goals.

This isn’t just theory – it’s a practical framework for understanding how our public institutions should operate in the 21st century. It requires us to move beyond simplistic ideas of integration or assimilation toward a more sophisticated understanding of partnership and parallel development.

Today, we look back on the relationship and notice we are in an interregnum. Who and what will prevail? Our better or worse angels? Either way, the leadership of various institutions in Te Ao and our current mainstream political leadership are responsible for the quality of that diplomatic relationship. And it is them who are accountable.