Ta te tamariki tana mahi wawahi tahā
01/03/2024
The whakataukī above is used in many different ways.
I’ve heard it used to explain why tamariki and rangatahi break kawa.
I’ve also heard it used to explain “tamariki being tamariki” and “boys being boys”.
I’ve also seen it used as a regulatory tool, specifically to remind whānau applying for driver licenses of the importance of context, rules and regulations when driving.
I’ve also seen it used as a reminder of the importance of emotional discipline in specifically charged contexts.
In reference to the whakataukī above, I’ve been thinking about how being a minister of the crown is entirely different from being a member of parliament and, relatedly, how different the political rhetoric on the hustings is from being in parliament leading a legislative programme.
In my humble opinion, harvesting votes in modern democracies combines retail politics and the ability to incite just the right amount of anger in a group of people to get them to vote for you.
Governing, on the other hand, is altogether different.
Hon. Sir Michael Cullen was fond of saying that ministers seldom go looking for trouble – trouble comes looking for them. He was right. Ministers don’t go into the office on Monday mornings before Cabinet and wonder what they can get up to in the week ahead.
Inevitably, when they begin the week, they are swept up in whatever chaos happened in the Poneketanga over the previous weeks and whatever drama happened over the weekend across the motu, and then they try to respond as best they can.
Generally speaking, the chaos and drama fall into four areas or domains:

The first and most important area or domain is the active management of constitutional issues relating to Te Tiriti. For some ministers, this is ninety per cent of their time; for most, it is about twenty per cent. It is rare for a minister of the crown not to have a Te Tiriti issue come across their desk.
The second area or domain oversees the implementation of promises made on the hustings while ensuring the outcomes are achieved. This is where ministers get to walk their talk. Specifically, we said we would do that, and look, we did it. This is how Govenment’s improve their social license. This is where officials gain ministers’ trust and confidence. This is also where ministers spend most of their time. Never underestimate how much work ministers must do to get the public management system to respond. That is because the system is a delegated and significantly devolved one. It is also because some ministers are good drivers of the system, and some will always be on a learner’s license.
Third, mitigating risk – specifically, actively managing risk (delivery risk, political and reputation, and economic/financial). Doing this well is fundamental to retaining a social license. Those ministers with a theory of governance and a thirst for re-election spend a lot of time here. These are the ministers who are building their networks across the public sector and driving the achievement of their specific outcomes; they don’t micro-manage, they know how the governance dashboard works, and they know how to hold officials to account.
Finally, the last space ministers are in is getting re-elected. This is simple and difficult. It is simple because it is delivering what was promised. It is also difficult because few ministers understand the critical importance of a performance story and being able to tell that story in every context: from every marae to the Rotary and Lion’s clubs, to Friday night at the RSA’s to every road or highway opening to every Tennis or Cricket Club AGM.
So there you go. Governing is not the same as being in election mode. And it’s not the same as being a member of parliament. It’s also not the same as breaking the calabash at every turn. It’s an altogether different thing. Time will tell who knows how to drive and who won’t ever lose their training wheels.
Disclaimer
These are my evolving thoughts, rhetorical positions and creative provocations. They are not settled conclusions. Content should not be taken as professional advice, official statements or final positions. I reserve the right to learn, unlearn, rethink and grow. If you’re here to sort me neatly into left vs right, keep moving. I’m not the partisan you’re looking for. These in...
Read moreWaitangi Tribunal Thursdays: Wai 13 …
He Waka Tē Ai Tahuri Waitangi Tribunal Thursdays is where I return to the Tribunal’s early reports, not as history or as legal analysis, but as maps of how the state is designed and how its policy advisory, delivery, and regulatory systems work. After the Motiti Island report, we turn to three short reports in succession: Wai 13, Wai 14 and Wai 15. Read quickly and independently, ...
Read moreLoose Threads: “Dear Colleagu …
Starmer, Free and Frank Advice, and What Three Jurisdictions Reveal About One Constitutional Problem On 7 May 2026, the night before local elections in which his party faced what most forecasters predicted would be a historic rout, Sir Keir Starmer emailed every civil servant in the United Kingdom. The email was, on its face, an exercise in reassurance. He thanked officials for their service. ...
Read moreTe Rā Whakamana: What the Interpre …
This is the next post in the regular Te Rā Whakamana series. The post on Cohen’s street-level entrepreneurs closed by saying that critical traditions all argue that implementation is never neutral, and that the policy frame the public management system carries always has politics built in. Today’s post takes that on. Vaughn and Balch’s chapter on a decolonial approach to policy design ...
Read more